메인 Journal of Church and State The Democracy of the Dead: Dewey, Confucius, and the Hope for Democracy in China. By David L. Hall...
문제 보고This book has a different problem? Report it to us
"네" 선택하시는 조건: "네" 선택하시는 조건: "네" 선택하시는 조건: "네" 선택하시는 조건:
파일 열기 성공했습니다
파을 내용은 책 (또는 만화)입니다
책 내용이 적당합니다
파일의 제목, 작성자와 언어가 책 설명과 일치합니다. 다른 필드는 보조이므로 무시하셔도 좋습니다.
"아니요" 선택하시는 조건: "아니요" 선택하시는 조건: "아니요" 선택하시는 조건: "아니요" 선택하시는 조건:
- 잘못된 파일입니다
- 이 파일이 DRM으로 보호돼 있습니다
- 파일은 책이 아닙니다 (예: xls, html, xml)
- 파일은 기사입니다
- 파일은 책에 일부입니다
- 파일은 잡지입니다
- 파일은 시험지 또는 테스트입니다
- 파일은 스팸입니다
책의 내용이 적당하지 않으며 차단되어야 한다고 생각합니다
파일의 제목, 작성자와 언어가 책 설명과 일치하지 않습니다. 다른 필드는 무시하셔도 좋습니다.
Change your answer
BOOK REVIEWS 349 CALEB OLADIPO Baylor University Waco, Texas The Democracy of the Dead: Dewey, Confucius, and the Hopefor Democracy in China. By David L. Hall ancl Roger T. Ames. Chicago, II1.: Open Court Publishing Co., 1999. 265 pp. $34.95. This work, by two preeminent sinologists, David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames, whose stuclies in Chinese philosophy are well known and highly respected, asks, '~What is the hope for democracy in China?" Hall and Ames offer what has now become their well-known critique of rights-based liberalism. In its place, they provide a brief overview of John Dewey's involvement in China and attempt to substitute their reacling of Downloaded from http://jcs.oxfordjournals.org/ at Univ. of Massachusetts/Amherst Library on July 11, 2015 insider knowledge of the roots of South African Baptists. They further demonstrate why Christianity became privatized in South Africa. Chapters five and six show the reader that social conformity, segregation, and white domination were the eventual results of the calculatecl misunderstanding of the Christian faith and its privatization. In chapter seven, the author writes most forcefully about the legitimate reaction of the black majority in South Africa and why the Baptist Convention of South Africa was born. Unlike most works in the same vein of scholarship, Louise Kretzschmar makes clear the roles of the KaŸ document and important personalities within both the Baptist Union and the Baptist Convention of South Africa, to effect permanent changes in ecclesiastical structures in South Africa in the late 1980s and 1990s. Perhaps one of the most important eontributions of the book to scholarship is the author's view that African aspiration to forma new convention was the result of white domination and complacency in the Baptist Union. White South African Baptists were more concerned with power and solving immediate theological and spiritual problems than cultivating meaningful relationships with their fellow black Baptist brothers and sisters. Ac; cording to the author, this is one of the main reasons why the black churches have continued to deplete the membership of the "traditional" mainline churches in South Africa. The new churches in South Af¡ have become, and ¡ so, the institutions of civil societies. The book is not without flaws and stereotypical conceptions of African Christianity. It is distractingly strange, for example, why the author did not offer ah explanation to the similar problems the Southern Baptist Convention is facing in the Unitecl States. Could it be that the Baptist Union in South Africa is closer in ideology to the Southern Baptist Convention in the United States than to the English Baptists? The strengths of the book clearly outweigh its weaknesses, and it will be one of the most significant works on South African Baptists for many years. 350 JOURNAL OF CHURCH AND STATE Downloaded from http://jcs.oxfordjournals.org/ at Univ. of Massachusetts/Amherst Library on July 11, 2015 Dewey's understanding of the individual and demoeracy, under the belief that this Western discourse will provide a language for spealdng to the new Confucian understandings being shaped in China. The authors interpret Dewey to say that 1) not all democracies have the same look as our own, and not all of them are even capitalist; and 2) that there can be eommunitarian democraeies as well as individualistie ones, and that such systems give a different place and weight to talk about individuals and their rights. They believe such views are compatible with the rehabilitation of Confucianism since the later phases of Deng Xiaoping's reformist government, where ir continues today to serve as the principal resource fbr "soeialism with Chinese characteristics," and of the work of the late Liang Shuming known as the first in the breed of "New Confueians" (xinruxuejia). This group of scholars, mostly made up of representatives of the Western-based diaspora of selfexiled intellectuals, is trying to make a positive appraisal of the Confucian tradition so as to identify, seleet from, and carry over the cultural wealth of China's past into its present and future realities. They inelude Tang Junyi, Mou Zongsan, Xu Fuguan, Fang Dongmei, Qian Mu and most notably, Tu Wei-ming of Harvard's Yenching Institute. Although Hall and Ames are very aware of the internal tensions in China along ethnic fault lines, regional disparities, the fragmentation of the Special Economic Zones, and the gro,Mng class uncertainties, they give attention to several basic points of resonance between Confucianism and pragmatism: 1) both deny essential categories, such as universal human nature and absolute moral laws, 2) both emphasize a sort of social individual, notan autonomous right-bearing discrete one, 3) both stress self-eultivation in edueation, selfdiseipline, and moral self-actualization, 4) both hold up as important the duty of remonstrance with politieal authority, 5) both look to the funded experience of the past to begin any problem-solving, and yet both avoid a slavish conformity with tradition, and 6) both have a strong eommitment to demoeraey. It is this final point where the mlthors have their most difficult challenge. Many eonsider "Confueian Demoeraey" an oxymoron. But they say that those who hold such a view are guilty of two principal misunderstandings: 1) the Confucian idea of "authority" always enjoined the individual to self-cultivation and the ruler to government by virtue, and 2) the Confucian idea of hierarchy is not irreconeilable with their aeeount of Dewey's theory of demoeraey and the individual. Their inteq)retations of Dewey have recently been challenged in the paper, "On I/eading Dewey: Responses to the Democraey of the Dead" presented at the NationaI Meeting of the Asian Studies Development Program in 2002 by Erin M. Cline of Baylor University. The authors say that Ameriean democracy, as seen from a Chinese view, is overly proeedural and neutral, coneeiving of the individual as in a vacuum. The authors hold that we can ]eam something from the new Confucians. Confueianism is on the side of minimalist government anda self-ordering community, always privileging the role of edueation and self-eultivation as moral aehievements over the force of penal law. In this eonneetion, the Chinese criticism of human ¡ in Ameriea is revealing and persuasive. BOOK REVIEWS 351 They conclude by saying, "American pragmatism and Asian Confueianism are more dramatically similar than one might reasonably expect intellectual movements born from such disparate historieal experiences to be." RONNIE LITrLEJOHN Belmont University Nash~• Tennessee This wonderful little volume presents a lucid overview of Catholic politic~ during an especially troubled period of European history. Fairminded and balanced, Conway offers readers some insights into church activities in France, Belgium, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Germany, and Austria, with more cursory attention paid also to developments in Poland, Croatia, and Slovakia. His bibliography reflects a thorough acquaintanee with the secondary literature in English, French, Italian, German, Hungarian, and Flemish which is more than sufficient given the parameters set by the "Histo¡ Connections" se¡ for which it was w¡ Conway stresses the resilience and strength of Catholicism during these years, which he traces in part to the sense of communŸ among Catholics, in part to the nature of Catholicism's social base, in part to the effects of World War I, and in part to the strategies ofPope Pius XI (reigned 1922-39). Prior to 1914, Catholics had participated in politics as an interest group, according to Conway, but after 1918, their participation became more ambitious, as Catholicism developed a social and politieal program of its own, as ah alternative to liberalism, communism, and fascism alike. Parties such as the Center Party (in Germany) and the Rooms Katholieke Staats Partij (in The Netherlands) advocated Catholic interests, while a network of Catholic trade unions, Catholic youth groups (including Catholic Action), and Catholic periodicals assured that Catholic voices would be heard. Catholic universities such as Coimbra (Portugal), Louvain (Belgium), Nijmegen (The Netherlands), Lublin (Poland), and Kaunas (Lithuania) flourished, providing forums for the development of a robust Catholic intellectual life. As Conway shows, Catholic politics in the 1930s was shaped by three pivotal and interconnected events: the world economic depression, the emergence of fascism asa political force in Europe, and the Spanish Civil War. But while Catholics in Spain rallied around Franco's banner, in Germany, as Conwav notes, "Catholics always regarded Nazism as an essentially alien force" (p. 67i. Indeed, Pope Pius XI's condemnation of Nazi ideology in his 1937 encyclical, Mit brennender Sorge, was repaid ayear a n d a half later when, in the course of the Kristallnacht violence in November 1938, Nazi gangs attacked not only many Jewish buildings, but also the episcopal palaces in Munich and Vienna. On the other hand, Conway cautions against oversimplification here. Downloaded from http://jcs.oxfordjournals.org/ at Univ. of Massachusetts/Amherst Library on July 11, 2015 Catholic Politics in Europe 1918-1945. By Martin Conway. New York: Routledge, 1997. 118 pp. np.